Psychology
17 verified facts in this category.
- In 1976, about one-quarter of American voters lived in counties that a presidential candidate won by a landslide; by 2004, that figure had risen to nearly one-half, according to Bill Bishop.
- In a study using the Columbia Card Task, participants who experienced cross-race rejection turned over an average of 12.06 cards on nonloss trials, compared with 10.18 cards after same-race rejection (F(1,78)=4.93, p=.029, d=0.50), indicating increased risk-taking behavior.
- In a study on interracial social rejection, participants rejected by same-race partners showed greater cortisol increases immediately after the interaction than those rejected by cross-race partners (F(1,86)=4.51, p=.037, d=0.46), though the difference became nonsignificant 20 minutes later (F(1,86)=2.72, p=.10, d=0.36).
- Cross-race rejection was associated with significantly lower total peripheral resistance than same-race rejection during a speech task (F(1,84)=6.26, p=.014, d=0.55) and a discussion task (F(1,84)=8.19, p=.005, d=0.63), indicating an approach/challenge-like cardiovascular pattern rather than a withdrawal/threat pattern.
- In a study on interracial rejection, participants rejected by same-race partners showed greater cortisol increases immediately after the interaction than participants rejected by cross-race partners (F(1,86)=4.51, p=.037, d=0.46), though the difference became statistically nonsignificant 20 minutes later (F(1,86)=2.72, p=.10, d=0.36).
- In 2015, Brian Nosek's lab attempted to replicate 100 studies from three psychology journals and was unable to reproduce a large portion of the original findings.
- Only 39 of the 100 psychology studies examined in the Reproducibility Project were successfully replicated.
- A 2003 study covering 1959–1998 found that television cameras on the legislative floor correlated with an increase in Senate filibusters.
- Participants who experienced cross-race rejection showed greater attentional bias toward emotionally negative words on an emotional-Stroop task (M=2.54) than those who experienced same-race rejection (M=-0.52), F(1,84)=4.05, p=.047, d=0.44.
- In a study of 91 participants, rejection by a partner of a different race produced greater cardiac-output reactivity than rejection by a same-race partner during both a speech task (F(1,84)=4.32, p=.041, d=0.45) and a discussion task (F(1,84)=4.56, p=.036, d=0.47).
- In a study of 91 participants, rejection by a partner of a different race produced greater cardiac-output reactivity than rejection by a same-race partner during both a speech task (F(1,84)=4.32, p=.041, d=0.45) and a discussion task (F(1,84)=4.56, p=.036, d=0.47).
- A follow-up investigation comprising five related experiments failed to find an effect of signing at the beginning of a form on dishonesty.
- Scott E. Maxwell, Michael Y. Lau, and George S. Howard argued that a statistically significant original psychology study followed by a nonsignificant single replication does not necessarily constitute a genuine failure to replicate, because the replication may have had low statistical power.
- In the Reproducibility Project, effects that were successfully replicated were generally smaller or weaker than the effects reported in the original studies.
- Maxwell, Lau, and Howard proposed that multiple replications, rather than a single replication study, may be required to obtain enough statistical power to identify true psychological effects.
- In August 2015, Science published the results of the Reproducibility Project, which attempted to replicate 100 experimental and correlational psychology studies.
- The 100 psychology studies replicated in the Reproducibility Project had originally been published in 2008 in Psychological Science, the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, and the Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, and Cognition.